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Only in two ways will posterity see Senator Bola Tinubu: an asset and liability, writes Olawale Olaleye
“Hello, I am not sure this is possible. THISDAY through the like of Shaka and Olaleye have used their pages malign (sic) my boss. Not even an official letter signed by my boss to your publisher made difference (sic). We have concluded that THISDAY is blatantly unobjective and sponsored to attack Tinubu. We don’t need THISDAY because there are more trusted news sources.”
The quote above was a text message from Mr. Sunday Dare, a senior media aide to former governor Bola Tinubu of Lagos State, in response to a request by a staff of THISDAY for an interview with his principal. The text, to this reporter, however reeks of so many things, the core of which is unsavoury because this reporter could relate with the latent message in the text.
Particularly noteworthy is the fact that persons like Mr. Dare were those who surrounded outgoing President Goodluck Jonathan and helped him to fail. But in failing, the president did not go down alone. Taken with him were critical institutions of the country including an erstwhile fearsome political machine, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), often styled as the biggest party on the African continent.
It would be unfair to a few characters around the president to maintain a blanket or an absolute assumption that everyone was a sycophant or told him lies because he delighted in listening to what he wanted to hear. A few differed, really, but in a season when sycophancy and intellectual roguery had assumed a life of its own – an industry of sorts – the distinguished few were in such a minority that whatever view they held remained insipid when calibrated within the whole. But certainly, historian would someday see to whatever happened to the PDP machine in the era that President Jonathan held sway and situate the different characters as well as their roles in proportional context.
It is yet to be seen how anyone would write Nigeria’s contemporary political history, especially as it concerns opposition politics and would not dedicate between two to three chapters to Tinubu. Whatever the contents of those chapters would, however, be at his discretion at the end of the day, but he cannot at the minimum, dedicate less than two chapters to the almighty Tinubu. It is not because he would be doing Tinubu a favour; it is because the facts of history as they pertain to him cannot be exhausted in just a chapter. It will be too paltry and distasteful.
Were it not for Tinubu, the PDP had become such a bully that Nigeria would have probably become a mono-party state resigned to its caprices. But from his Lagos cocoon through a gradual expansion (whether by hook or crook as the opposition is wont to contend) to other states of the South-west and then, South-south before traversing the length and breadth of the country, covering a majority of the Northern states in the name of consolidation and eventual merger, Tinubu is no less a colossus in the political artery of the country.
The fact of his political sagacity is clear to all, including his archrivals and political opponents, many of whom understandably detest his guts. Shrewd, smart, strategic and intelligent, Tinubu comes across as one who is many years ahead of his peers in terms of thinking and projecting nearly accurately into the future. He knows and understands the game even if mischief often colours his extrapolations. Where the constitutionally required separation of power has failed in balancing the power equation and checkmating the excesses of each of the arms of government in relation to one another, Tinubu’s opposition politics through effective use of the media (and sometimes brazen manipulation) has stayed the cause.
For his roles in national politics, Tinubu has featured in local and international platforms, telling his story from a very vantage position. On so many occasions, he has emerged the man of the year of some of the media outfits, including THISDAY that Mr. Dare impudently dismissed as “unobjective” and out to malign his boss.
In fact, this writer, in the course of his duty and without instigation or favouritism, had written several pieces in honour of Tinubu, two of which were titled: “That Tinubu’s 60th Birthday Series” and “The Political Samurai” amongst others he could not place his hands on now at the time of filing this waiting-to-be-contested piece. This was not because Tinubu was infallible or that he paid anyone to sing his praises, it was dedicated as deserving and in sync with the prevailing situation at the time being a huge asset to the opposition and the Nigerian political evolution.
But does such admiration of ingenious and deft political moves by an individual cancel out the roles of the media as an active agent in breaking down the barriers of secrecy and silence? No! Does it excuse Tinubu from the watchdog role of the media as defined by the profession to which Dare claims allegiance? No! Does it justify reports which refuse to balance facts because of the personality of Tinubu, who is involved? No!
Does Mr. Dare’s brand of journalism allow for President Jonathan to be plummeted, whether or not there was justification for it and Tinubu shielded even in the face of obvious misdemeanor because he rescued and represents cracking opposition? Maybe yes to him. But in THISDAY, no and that is where THISDAY stands out – reporting it as it breaks and regardless of whose ox is gored. Either for his sake or his boss’, THISDAY isn’t going to change her disposition to the philosophy of free press predicated on truth and reason. This assertion is however open to debate with whoever differs.
But lest Tinubu is told the truth and begin to tread with caution, his asset value is beginning to diminish in the face of its increasing liability tendencies. Unfortunately, this liability is being valued against his alleged penchant for his self-seeking disposition and uncontrollable desire to own it all – factors unacceptable in decent politics and climes. It is called political Darwinism in other quarters.
The way he has played successful opposition politics is the same way he’s been playing divide and rule within, in order to sustain his hold on his people as the basis for continuous negotiation and/or relevance. This is evidently hinged on the economic slavery of his people to sustain his own political relevance and rulership.
Whilst some of the successes in the politics of his party can be attributed to him, a majority of the crises in their fold are believed to also have his hands located in them. The drama that characterised the eventual choice of Professor Yemi Osinbajo as the running mate to General Muhammadu Buhari depicted the extent of Tinubu’s “me politics”.
It exposed the ordinary man in him as against the myth of a somewhat invincible character that many have come to revere and as well gave him away in such a light unbefitting of one generally identified as a kingmaker, itching to crown himself because he saw an opening of opportunity advancing in the direction of the opposition. To get to the point he did in the battle to clinch the slot of the vice-president, Tinubu allegedly resorted to divide and rule, pitting brothers against each other as well as deploying even ignoble tales just to bypass everyone.
For this same reason, he was said to have demonised Governor Rotimi Amaechi of Rivers State and nearly made him a laughing stock back home in the South-south, where the obstinate governor faced fiercer firing power. Why? Amaechi, he reckoned, had wanted the VP slot too and since Amaechi was the only one who allegedly confronted his idea of a Muslim/Muslim ticket and insisted it would not work, he would rather not have him secure the running mate slot either.
As it is, the kind of dirty fighting that might typify the battle for the office of the President of the Senate will shock many lovers of Tinubu, except the party leadership nips it early with an intelligent zoning formula. This is because whilst he is said to be secretly backing Senate Minority Leader, George Akume (Benue), he allegedly gave Senator Bukola Saraki (Kwara) his yes nod a long time ago as part of the moves to secure the vice-president slot in the South-west, even if it did not come to him (Tinubu) as a person.
He was said to have cajoled Saraki that it would be difficult for him to secure the position of SP if the VP slot goes to the South-south (referring to Amaechi) because the South-west would automatically get it, but that if he consented to leaving it in South-west, he stood a good chance for the SP, backed by his support.
The crisis that eventually ate up Ekiti APC was allegedly orchestrated by him. He probably did not even realise this when he sowed the seed of the discord that later came back to haunt the party. In 2011, when former governor Kayode Fayemi allegedly denied his friend and brother, Hon. Opeyemi Bamidele the senate ticket for Ekiti Central and the governor, in trying to manage the attendant crisis claimed it was “Asiwaju” who wanted the ticket for Senator Femi Ojudu as some form of compensation for being a part of the progressive struggle, it was Tinubu who later opened up to Bamidele that the whole idea was Fayemi’s because he claimed he was uncomfortable with him (Bamidele).
Typically, for Bamidele, it stuck in his head and from that day, the revenge idea lived therein. Thus, when Tinubu felt Fayemi had begun to place former governor Niyi Adebayo ahead of him (forgetting Ekiti is not Lagos), he found a tool in Bamidele, who long nursed the revenge idea, set him against his brother by instigating the governorship idea, thinking it would come handy in whipping Fayemi to line.
Sadly, he could no longer stop Bamidele, when the need to do so arose, especially when it became obvious that the latter’s ambition had constituted grave danger to the collective interest. Today, the collateral damage arising from this experimentation is borne by all and evidently too much for them to manage even as a party.
Former governor Olusegun Osoba of Ogun State left the party to join the Social Democratic Party (SDP), not because of Governor Ibikunle Amosun but because of Tinubu. Osoba, at a point, was no longer pretentious about it as he said to those who cared to listen that he quit the APC (having labored hard to get the party in place) because he no longer could stand to be tagged one of those feeding under Tinubu as the Jagaban of Borgu was often said to make it seem.
If it were Amosun, it wasn’t much of a big deal. After all, if Osoba could endure former Gbenga Daniel for eight years, how much more his own governor? But he wanted to make a point. For him, character, noble upbringing and principle first and whether or not he lost in the new dispensation, he claims to now savour a peace of mind and the respect he so much deserves.
The story would be told someday about what happened in 2011 when the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN) technically abandoned its own presidential candidate, Malam Nuhu Ribadu to an appalling fate as the PDP made away with all the votes in the presidential contest.
A lot of party members were stunned that the leader failed to mobilise them for such a crucial exercise, a situation that allowed for the PDP to seize the momentum and made away with the votes for Jonathan. A majority of the prominent APC leaders reportedly lost their units and wards to the opposition in that election. Whether or not it was orchestrated, the story shall one day be situated and the mastermind exposed.
Interestingly as if history was going to repeat itself, a similar scenario almost played out in this year’s exercise. Party members and their agents were allegedly not mobilised for Buhari’s election and when this was raised at a few meetings, the leader was said to have dismissed it as over-glorifying mobilisation in an election when in truth, they are just going to walk a few blocks away from their homes to their units and vote. He then ordered them to go and deliver.
This was in spite of the stories flying around about the huge funds allegedly provided by the private sector to support the Buhari project but which was not disbursed. It was so bad that agents were reportedly owed till the eve of the governorship election, two weeks after. Yet, when the success of the exercise finally berthed in APC’s yard, Tinubu was the first to start earning the accolades for successfully effecting change in the polity and as some people would say “take the Yoruba to the mainstream”. But the truth is, much as the results posted were poor and embarrassing even across the South-west, the people genuinely desired change and voted their conscience. It wasn’t anybody’s doing.
Tinubu’s insistence on the choice of the Lagos State Governor-elect, Mr. Akinwunmi Ambode and the manner he went about it with his team as well as a well-managed imposition called primary almost rocked the APC boat in the state. It almost undermined outgoing Governor Babatunde Fashola even. But a calm Fashola had resolved not to have the house disintegrate in his time and that whatever it would cost he would give to hand over the baton to someone of the APC extraction, regardless of the thriving misgivings.
It is therefore a matter of public knowledge that Fashola can only be called up to serve at the national level on account of the President-elect and personal recognizance. Certainly not on the recommendation of Tinubu, who cannot wait to ease out a man believed to have demystified (although implied) whatever he stood for except riding on his coattail as the one who allegedly discovered Fashola, a reference designed to massage his ego.
When you go over reports tracking the likely pattern the appointment of persons into the General Muhammadu Buhari cabinet may assume, the seeming domination and alleged lobbying by Tinubu is beginning to create needless bickering within the ranks of the party because he is said to want certain key positions for his own people on account of the paltry votes delivered by the South-west to the General’s success. But the other parts of the country too are not comfortable with this and have been compelled to make similar claims, alluding to their huge votes.
This development is believed to have begun to create needless discomfort amongst the Northerners, a majority of who cannot condone Tinubu’s nerves. This is why it is common knowledge that winning was really the easy path for the APC except a Buhari steps in more authoritatively and establishes himself, away from the pseudo party supremacy that has become the mantra lately in reducing or taming the authority of the president-elect.
Importantly, however, for the politicians surging towards the “Lion of Bourdilon” as Tinubu enjoys to be referenced, there is a trend that is quietly playing out and only a few discerning could pick it. It is Tinubu’s new found disdain for politicians. In fact, Senator Musiliu Obanikoro saw it many years back and has often alluded to it as one of the many reasons he left and never to come back to their fold for as long as Tinubu still dictates what and takes away the individual independence of others.
For Tinubu, the core politicians are only good for the dirty jobs and when the harvesting period comes, they do not deserve to be counted. From the days of Fashola to Ambode and even Ambode’s deputy, he has completely ignored the political class and yet, they are the ones that will clean up the slate for the so-called technocrats to leverage.
Whether or not it is true, he was also said to have been instrumental to the choice of the running mate to the Ogun State Governor, a civil servant said to have been picked from the Lagos civil service. Even where this is likely to be untrue because Amosun is equally very strongly willed, but since he is known to derive intrinsic pleasure in arrogating so much to himself as an architect of seemingly impossible political stunts, it would be glibly assumed he did, whether or not it connotes positive interests.
And if you look at some of the names being brandished as likely nominees into the Buhari cabinet, only the curious can see that the politicians are done for with Tinubu. It was the same way he pushed hard against Amaechi and paired a non-politician with Buhari even when the General allegedly raised the observation. The fear of having anyone trump his leadership remains a critical factor.
This is why those who have seen this trend marvel at the surge towards him by politicians because whether or not they like it, whenever the “big things” come, he would never find them worthy and they would be in servitude to him till kingdom comes. And to those who care to know, the choice of Ambode was systematic because with it, he has technically retired a lot of the promising politicians in the state, who ordinarily pose threat to his empire and leadership. That way, he has increased the life span of his reign.
A factional leader of the Oodua Peoples Congress (OPC), Chief Gani Adams, in an interview with THISDAY in the days preceding the presidential poll had described Tinubu in one of the most apt terms when he said he was a political trader. Tinubu, in truth, has never conceived an idea or chosen an individual for a position if in the final analysis he would not be the principal beneficiary.
His craving for self is incredibly niggling and in the long run, very incomprehensible. His alleged popularity hold on the system owes largely to economic enslavement but unfortunately, any leadership patterned along such a mindset is definitely tenured. A time would come that it would become ineffective.
Apart from his apparent poor leadership and lack of capacity, the twilight of the Jonathan days was particularly complicated by a few people who played reprehensible roles, even though paid to do the contrary. The duo of Dr. Doyin Okupe and Femi Fani-Kayode stand out as Jonathan’s unintended nemesis.
They failed to sell the policies and successes of the administration. They failed to make him more friends and failed to tell the Nigerian people why their principal needed more time in office as president. But they succeeded in creating not just more enemies for him, but disappointingly, seeing to his failure, albeit inadvertently.
Before Mr. Dare goes about with similar disposition, sometimes with arrogant dismissal of people and their relevance – working with Tinubu does not justify being needlessly conceited. In any case, working with or for Tinubu should not stifle others from genuinely and professionally discharging their duties.
Being a media aide to a former governor and one of the national leaders of a party does not make a journalist answerable to his principal. They do not tally in whatever ways. At best, they can be friends but with mutual understanding. It is good to develop affinity with one’s principal and also protect his interest, it does not justify crossing the line of decency especially when the other’s interest – professional or personal – is consciously eliminated.
Mr. Dare does not have to like the THISDAY reporters, especially if he cannot fault their facts as it were. He is however advised to avoid contributing to the undoing of his principal in the name of survival or carrying out his problem-prone briefs. And for his information, THISDAY is too big an institution to be paid by anyone to malign just one man, whose likes abound. In fact, there are over a 100 million people to look out for in the onerous task of responsible journalism.
Taken together, Tinubu is, yes an asset – in fact an admirable one to the country’s political legacy – even much more is the fact that he is equally a huge liability, especially given his war chest, network and structures. And like an insider in the APC political family recently said to this reporter, Tinubu could end up being the biggest threat to Nigeria’s democracy if not properly managed and put in early check.
